Last year, the House was able to control the Statehouse budget process by releasing low-ball state-revenue estimates early on and then vowing to stick to those numbers no matter what.

The Senate Democrats wanted to spend more money but were eventually stymied by the House's revenue estimates. There was just no way around the problem. Some Senate Democrats thought about forcing the spring session into overtime, but that would've been stupid because then the budget would've required a three-fifths majority to pass - and that would've given the Republicans a seat at the table. And the Republicans wouldn't want to spend more money.

It's too early to tell, but this year might be different. Last week, the House kicked off the budget process by locking in the chamber's new revenue estimates. The estimates are $221 million below the governor's revenue projections and $271 million below the projections released by the General Assembly's Commission on Government Forecasting & Accountability.

Back when Jim Edgar was governor, reporters covering his annual budget speech would always approach Senate President Pate Philip as he descended from the House Speaker's podium after the address to ask about his fellow Republican's proposals. Eventually, or even right away, we'd hear an emphatic "No!" from Pate and then we'd pronounce a good chunk of the budget dead on arrival.

Times were simpler back then than they were last week after Governor Pat Quinn finished his latest budget address. Quinn's proposal "benefited" from the lack of any major specifics on the big issues of the day: the exploding costs of Medicaid and pensions. The only things left to attack were program cuts and facility closures - and Republicans who did so risked being labeled as false budget hawks. Then there's the phony complaint that spending was actually rising. (Overall operating expenditures are falling, but total state spending is going up mainly because pension payments are rising by about a billion dollars next fiscal year.)

The pro-choice group Personal PAC has filed suit to kill off Illinois' campaign-contribution limits to certain political action committees. If the group succeeds, some candidates may start justifiably quivering.

Currently in Illinois, contributions to state political action committees are capped at $10,000 for individuals and $20,000 for corporations, groups, and unions.

Personal PAC's lawsuit wants those contribution caps wiped out, arguing that the controversial Citizens United U.S. Supreme Court case and the Wisconsin Right to Life Seventh U.S. Circuit case mean that the caps are unconstitutional. The two cases declared that spending and contribution limits on federal and state PACs that are engaged in independent expenditures are unconstitutional.

Governor Pat Quinn outlined a plan last week to reform the state's troubled pension systems. In doing so, Quinn appeared to outright reject some pension ideas offered up by House Republican Leader Tom Cross and Senate President John Cullerton.

The governor said pension-reform negotiations, which have dragged on for well over a year, are in need of a fresh start. Republican Leader Cross' reform proposal raises employee pension contributions to force public employees into either a lower-cost system or to a 401(k)-style plan. The state's pension plans have billions of dollars in what's called unfunded liability, and the idea is to lower that liability by reducing retiree pension payouts.

The governor all but said Leader Cross' plan, which is hotly opposed by labor unions, needed to be tossed out. "I don't think there's a lot of enthusiasm by members of either party and either house for that particular bill," the governor said. "We're going to start from scratch, and everybody will have a voice and we'll get to a good place."

After more than a decade of extreme scandal and gross government mismanagement, far too many Illinoisans seem to be wallowing or even perversely reveling in our state's embarrassing failures. Just try to point out a positive aspect of this state and you'll be shouted down by all sides as a naive homer.

But accentuating the positive is just what Governor Pat Quinn tried to do last week, and, man, was he ever hammered for it.

Putting aside all the resulting uproar for a moment, the governor's State of the State address was probably the best speech I've ever heard Quinn give, at least on a technical basis. It was well-written (his 2010 speech was horribly ad-libbed), well-delivered (he's given some real snoozers), and, as far as a State of the State speech goes, it hit all the right high notes.

Last week, powerful Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan appeared to all but endorse an idea to force Downstate and suburban school districts to pay a significant share of their state pension contributions for the first time in anyone's memory.

Senate President John Cullerton floated that very proposal last year, and Governor Pat Quinn added his support not long ago.

Needless to say, if all three Democratic leaders are talking about it, you can probably expect some action this year. However, there will be strong pushback from suburban and Downstate legislators who'll undoubtedly fear a voter backlash over potentially massive local tax increases to pay for the idea.

Back when the reformers demanded that state campaign contributions be capped, they said it would limit the dollars flowing into Illinois political funds.

But, overall, contributions have only barely decreased from four years ago, according to a search of the State Board of Elections' database. That may have as much to do with the economy these days compared to what it was back then, when Illinois' unemployment rate was half what it is now. According to the search, about $55.6 million was contributed to campaigns during the last six months of 2011, while about $57.3 million went to campaigns during the same period four years earlier.

Democratic House Speaker Michael Madigan raised a total of $2.6 million for the three campaign funds he controls in just the last three months. Madigan now has a total of $4 million in cash, which puts him far ahead of anybody else in politics. Four years ago at this time (the same point in our national and state election cycles), Madigan had $1.3 million in cash reserves. There were no contribution caps four years ago.

And a whole bunch of money is avoiding the new contribution limits by being spread around to newly formed political action committees and to some little local committees that have never before seen much, if any, activity.

As you might know already, Moody's earlier this month slapped Illinois with the worst credit rating of any state in the nation. But while Moody's report was damaging, S&P's rating was far more negative about the state's future.

Moody's cited Illinois' "weak management practices" as one reason for its ratings downgrade. The state's failure to implement any pension-funding reforms and to pay off its mountain of overdue bills were the two top reasons for the downgrade. But Moody's moved Illinois from a "negative" to a "stable" outlook for the future.

Fox Chicago News quoted a spokesperson for Governor Pat Quinn saying that the Moody's rating drop was an "outlier" because ratings agencies S&P and Fitch had decided not to lower the state's credit rating last week. On the surface, that's true. Underneath, not so much. Trouble is, S&P's rating contained much harsher language about Illinois' credit future, the agency also put Illinois on negative watch, and it issued a sternly worded warning that the state is in danger of another ratings downgrade this year.

He didn't come out and say it, but Governor Pat Quinn has apparently abandoned his promise to allow the "temporary" income-tax hikes to expire three years from now.

The governor submitted a three-year revenue and spending projection last week as he's required to do by a new Illinois law. The bottom line of Quinn's projection is that revenues are simply not high enough to match what Quinn wants to spend. According to the governor's projections, the state will finish this fiscal year with a $507-million deficit, despite the recent tax hikes.

I talked with former state Senator Howie Carroll last week about the proposal by state Representative Bill Mitchell (R-Forsyth) to kick Chicago and suburban Cook County out of Illinois. Mitchell's resolution has just a tiny number of co-sponsors, but he's managed to get himself lots of statewide and national media coverage, and he clearly appears to be enjoying his 15 minutes of fame claiming that his region of the state is tired of paying for Chicago's liberal programs.

Carroll knows all too well about breaking the state in two because he sponsored just such a resolution back in 1981. Carroll, a Chicago Democrat, proposed to make Cook County a separate state. According to newspaper accounts from the time, the resolution was introduced in the midst of heated fighting between Chicago-area and Downstate legislators over funding for mass transit.

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