I began to reminisce during Governor Pat Quinn's Chicago press conference last week. Quinn had called the media together to announce he was closing seven state facilities and laying off almost 2,000 state employees because the General Assembly had passed an inadequate budget.

"Wait," I thought. "Haven't I already seen this movie?"

Last year, state Senate Republicans tested anti-tax messages in their campaigns without much success. While almost all Senate Democrats had voted for a large income-tax hike along with an expansion of the sales tax to services, the Republican message just didn't work because the tax bill the Democrats backed never became the law of the land.

But now that a tax increase has actually been approved, with all the resulting hype surrounding it, there could very well be a different outcome next year. The tax increase has become a part of the public consciousness, and not in a good way, either.

A few weeks ago, I ran into a fairly high-level Illinois Democrat at a party in Springfield. He said he'd taken my advice and was reading the New York Times' "Disunion" Civil War blog. He also said he'd come to the conclusion that President Barack Obama should follow President Abraham Lincoln's lead by suspending habeas corpus and then arresting all Tea Party-affiliated Republican congressmen.

I couldn't believe what I was hearing, but he said he was dead serious.

I always thought this guy was a centrist, pragmatic sort. But he was obviously caught up in the national meltdown over the debt-ceiling fight. He was furious beyond comprehension. Actually, considering that Congress' job-approval rating is now rapidly approaching zero, his bone-chilling anger is probably comprehensible to a lot of people.

Way back in 1981, Governor Jim Thompson got into a fight with the Illinois General Assembly over who should fund the salaries of county state's attorneys.

By law, Illinois was on the hook for two-thirds of those salaries. Thompson originally proposed paying all of the state's share, then decided that locals should pick up the tab and not the state. The General Assembly negotiated a deal with the governor to pay 80 percent of the required funding. But Thompson turned around and vetoed the entire appropriation.

The state's attorneys all of a sudden weren't getting a paycheck and threatened to sue, county governments were enraged at having this financial hardship dumped on them, and the General Assembly worked itself into an uproar over Thompson's decision to break their deal.

Caught between a rock and a hard place, Thompson made an unprecedented move and simply declared that he'd "unvetoed" the appropriation. Democratic Comptroller Roland Burris announced that he would recognize the "unveto" as legitimate and go ahead and pay the state's attorney salaries.

As we are all too painfully aware, the past several weeks have been beyond crazy.

Congress and the president took the nation to the brink of default. Standard & Poor's lowered the federal government's credit rating by a notch. The markets devolved into a swooning bipolar frenzy. And the political rancor emanating from Washington, DC, showed no signs of abating.

I focus on state politics, however, so I've been trying to keep a close eye on how all this insanity would impact Illinois. S&P lowered the federal credit rating, but bond interest rates actually dropped in response. That wouldn't be the case for a state such as Illinois, which is far more sensitive to ratings changes than the feds apparently are. If Illinois is downgraded yet again, then the interest rates the state pays would undoubtedly rise, costing taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars that they don't have.

Redistricting is a time for stock-taking, for looking back and looking ahead.

State legislators who've been around a while are suddenly faced with the often stark reality of signing on for another 10 years. They add a decade to their current age and wonder if they want to be in the game that much longer.

Some decide to stick with it for just one more election so they can make extra sure their party holds their seat.

Some decide to retire right away, figuring their party has drawn the map solidly enough to ensure a suitable replacement.

Legislators in the minority party are far more likely to be mapped in with fellow party members and then discover that they don't want to face the prospect of running in a primary, so they retire.

Others decide to use the opportunity to move up the political ladder. The congressional districts were redrawn, which gave state Senator Dave Koehler (D-Peoria) a possible opening. He took it.

If history is any guide, we're likely to see a raft of retirement announcements in the next few days, weeks, months and even years.

Stand for Children national director Jonah Edelman spoke a little too freely at an Aspen Institute event this month.

Edelman openly bragged about how his group had outfoxed the teacher unions and the Illinois media, and had taken advantage of an opening with House Speaker Michael Madigan to pass his sweeping education-reform proposal, which is now state law. His remarks created a huge stir, and Edelman has since apologized for his candor, but most of what he said about Illinois politics was quite fascinating and definitely worth a look.

There are lots of different angles to Governor Pat Quinn's highly controversial decision to unilaterally refuse to pay scheduled, contractual pay raises to unionized state employees, so let's take them one at a time.

This is Not "New" News. Chicago reporters are the only ones with access to the governor these days. (Quinn has held just one Springfield press conference in months.) The city's reporters probably don't know that the House Republicans - and even some House Democrats - have been agitating since at least April to somehow stop AFSCME's scheduled pay raises.

While Rod Blagojevich's jury found him guilty on 17 felony counts last week, jurors found him not guilty on one count and deadlocked on two others. Not much has been written about those other counts, so let's take a look.

The paucity of electronic-surveillance evidence related to those verdicts, the lack of credible witnesses for the prosecution, and the absence of actual harm appeared to hurt the federal government's case.

Governor Pat Quinn was willing to offer up only the tiniest of face-saving possibilities to the Illinois Senate Democrats last week: Drop your budget demands - and we'll talk about them this fall - but do it soon or bad things will happen.

On the last day of the spring legislative session, the Senate Democrats tried to add about $430 million in extra state program spending to a bill that was supposed to only pay for construction projects. They tacked on the spending to force the House to bow to their demands. The idea was that the House would want to protect the construction projects so much that they'd be willing to accept the Senate's increased budget spending.

It didn't work.

Pages